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NEW QUESTION: 1
He was born a slave, but T Thomas Fortune (1856-1928) went on to become a journalist, editor, and civil
rights activist, founding several early black newspapers and a civil rights organization that predated W E
B. DuBois' Niagara Movement (later the NAACP). Like many black leaders of his time, Fortune was torn
between the radical leanings of DuBois and the more conservative ideology of Booker T Washington. This
1884 essay, "The Negro and the Nation," dates from his more militant period.
The war of the Rebellion settled only one question: It forever settled the question of chattel slavery in this
country. It forever choked the life out of the infamy of the Constitutional right of one man to rob another, by
purchase of his person, or of his honest share of the produce of his own labor. But this was the only
question permanently and irrevocably settled. Nor was this the all-absorbing question involved. The right of
a state to secede from the so-called Union remains where it was when the treasonable shot upon Fort
Sumter aroused the people to all the horrors of internecine war. And the measure of protection which the
national government owes the individual members of states, a right imposed upon it by the adoption of the
Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution, remains still to be affirmed.
It was not sufficient that the federal government should expend its blood and treasure to unfetter the limbs
of four millions of people. There can be a slavery more odious, more galling, than mere chattel slavery. It
has been declared to be an act of charity to enforce ignorance upon the slave, since to inform his
intelligence would simply be to make his unnatural lot all the more unbearable. Instance the miserable
existence of Æsop, the great black moralist. But this is just what the manumission of the black people of
this country try has accomplished. They are more absolutely under the control of the Southern whites; they
are more systematically robbed of their labor; they are more poorly housed, clothed and fed, than under
the slave régime; and they enjoy, practically, less of the protection of the laws of the state or of the federal
government. When they appeal to the federal government they are told by the Supreme Court to go to the
state authorities - as if they would have appealed to the one had the other given them that protection to
which their sovereign citizenship entitles them!
Practically, there is no law in the United States which extends its protecting arm over the black man and
his rights. He is, like the Irishman in Ireland, an alien in his native land. There is no central or auxiliary
authority to which he can appeal for protection. Wherever he turns he finds the strong arm of constituted
authority powerless to protect him. The farmer and the merchant rob him with absolute immunity, and
irresponsible ruffians murder him without fear of punishment, undeterred by the law, or by public opinion -
which connives at, if it does not inspire, the deeds of lawless violence. Legislatures of states have framed a
code of laws which is more cruel and unjust than any enforced by a former slave state.
The right of franchise has been practically annulled in every one of the former slave states, in not one of
which, today, can a man vote, think, or act as he pleases. He must conform his views to the views of the
men who have usurped every function of government-who, at the point of the dagger, and with shotgun,
have made themselves masters in defiance of every law or precedent in our history as a government. They
have usurped government with the weapons of the cowards and assassins, and they maintain themselves
in power by the most approved practices of the most odious of tyrants. These men have shed as much
innocent blood as the bloody triumvirate of Rome. Today, red handed murderers and assassins sit in the
high places of power, and bask in the smiles of innocence and beauty.
Fortune uses the example of the Irishman to show that
A. some people have a native land; others have none
B. people may be treated more fairly in a monarchy than in a democracy
C. famine is not alien to people in the United States
D. one can be treated as a foreigner in the land of one's birth
E. one can be born to slavery but rise above it
Answer: D
Explanation:
Explanation/Reference:
Explanation:
No law protects the black man; he is, "like the Irishman in Ireland, an alien in his native land"

NEW QUESTION: 2
展示を参照してください。

エンジニアはNAT変換を構成し、構成が正しいことを確認しました。
ソースIPはどのIPアドレスですか？
A. 10.4.4.5
B. 172.23.103.10
C. 10.4.4.4
D. 172.23.104.4
Answer: D

NEW QUESTION: 3
In the Schedule state Groups module of WFM Config utility) what does "Threshold" Indicate?
A. How many seconds early or late an agent can transfer to a scheduled state without being considered nonadherent
B. How many minutes early or late an agent can transfer to a scheduled state without being considered adherent
C. Howmany minutes early or late an agent can transfer to a scheduled state without being considered nonadherent
Answer: B

NEW QUESTION: 4
Which three statements about QoS in a Cisco Unified Intelligent Contact Management solution are true? (Choose three.)
A. Traffic marking in Cisco Unified ICM means that configuring separate private high and private medium/low sets of IP addresses is no longer necessary.
B. Traffic marking in Cisco Unified ICM means that configuring separate private high and private medium/low sets of IP addresses is still necessary.
C. In a Cisco Unified Intelligent Contact Management network, if the traffic is marked in the ICM, QoS trust needs to be enabled on access-layer routers and switches.
D. The high priority queue for the private network should be granted 90 percent of total available bandwidth.
E. The high priority queue for the private network should be granted 65 percent of total available bandwidth.
F. The high priority queue for the private network should be granted 75 percent of total available bandwidth.
Answer: A,C,D